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The Ludwig von Mises Institute (the one behind mises.org, located in Auburn, Alabama) posted several articles over the last week or so abo.
Kevin Smith There have been a wide selection of articles published here over the last year on Covid-19 and lockdowns. Since March, the thinking of many of us has evolved which has been reflected wi.
I am saying exactly that many FL counties just allow them to operate and do not enforce any laws based on the AG's opinion. Some FL counties do enforce the law and AG opinion, such as Miami, which just seized numerous coin pusher machines. The only way to be actually sure is contacting your county attorney's office and the county sheriff.
Jun 17, 2010 Updated Jun 18, 2010 4 State gaming officials seized more than 70 'coin pusher' machines which they said are illegal forms of gambling. The machines are premised on the idea that a.

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Missouri’s stalled special legislative session shows promise of moving forward

By JASON NOBLE
The Star’s Jefferson City correspondent

JEFFERSON CITY After appearing stalled for the past week, Missouri’s special legislative session may be back in gear and nearing the finish line.

In an early morning conference call Friday, Gov. Jay Nixon and legislative leaders developed a strategy that they hoped would allow lawmakers to pass a tax-incentive package for automakers and a raft of state pension reforms. If they do, they could adjourn by Wednesday.

“I look forward to having the General Assembly reconvene next week to finish its work on these vital priorities,” Nixon, a Democrat, said in a statement later in the day.

The sentiments aired after the conference call were markedly different from those heard earlier in the week, when the House and Senate met only for cursory “technical” sessions and took no substantive action on the bills.

The inaction had many concerned that the session could stretch on indefinitely while the bills’ prospects for passage grew dimmer.

“The longer that these issues sit on the table, the less likely we are to come to a consensus,” Rep. Jim Viebrock, a Republic Republican and the House sponsor of pension legislation, said Thursday. “I would just as soon prefer the governor call off the special session.”

Serious difficulties had clouded the futures of both bills, which Nixon requested when he called the special session late last month.

The tax-incentive legislation — intended specifically for the Ford Motor Co. and its Claycomo assembly plant — ran aground last week in a Senate committee. The committee chairman, Sen. Chuck Purgason, a Caulfield Republican, refused to allow a vote on the bill, calling it government meddling in the marketplace and fiscally irresponsible.

Meanwhile, the pension reform bill — which would raise the retirement age for new employees and require them to contribute to their pensions — found trouble in the transition from the House to the Senate.

The bill’s champion in the Senate, Sen. Jason Crowell, a Cape Girardeau Republican, has been unbending on the need for a new investment board to manage funds for at least two of the state’s various retirement systems.

House lawmakers loudly opposed the new board, leading to a standoff that appeared irresolvable.

But Friday, Nixon and legislative leaders said they had found a way forward that could appease Purgason on the automotive incentives and break the House-Senate deadlock over pensions.

House Minority Leader Paul LeVota, an Independence Democrat who participated in the private conference call, said the first step would be for Nixon to help broker a pension compromise.

That was followed by word from the governor that he believed consideration of the investment board exceeded the scope of his call bringing the special session to order and could not be considered.

Defusing the disagreement between Crowell and opponents of the investment board is seen as critical to the fate of the special session. The two-term senator sits on the board of the state’s largest retirement system and has led pension reform efforts for the last several months.

He has also shown a willingness to manipulate the legislative process to achieve his goals.

“The reality is that Sen. Crowell is the most powerful member of the General Assembly,” said Sen. Brad Lager, a Savannah Republican. “No one is influencing public policy more than him.”

Crowell did not return calls seeking comment.

Senate leader Charlie Shields, a St. Joseph Republican, said he believed Crowell could be convinced to relent on the investment board because of the economies included in the pension reforms.

Over 10 years, the savings associated with employee contributions and the higher retirement age is roughly $660 million, Shields noted. That would more than offset the estimated 10-year, $150 million cost of tax incentives for Ford and auto suppliers in the state.

“There are some people who feel strongly about the investment board, but this is one of those cases where we don’t want the perfect to get in the way of the good,” Shields said. “And in this case, the good is worth $660 million.”

If pension reform is secured, Shields said, he believes Purgason also could be persuaded to allow the auto incentives bill out of committee and onto the floor for open debate.

Purgason, however, reiterated his position from last week: The bill in its current form would not receive a vote in his committee.

“At some point, someone has to stand up and say we need to go a different direction,” he said.

If Purgason refuses to advance the bill, parliamentary options exist for circumventing him, including removing him as committee chairman or forcing the bill out of committee with a petition.

If events unfold as proposed, Shields said, the pension bill will enter formal negotiations between the House and Senate on Tuesday. If successful, that will allow final votes on both bills and adjournment on Wednesday.

Friday, July 9, 2010

Mamtek gets $17M in state aid, $37M in city bonds for Moberly plant

St. Louis Business Journal

Mamtek International, a Chinese multinational that makes a sugar substitute, plans to base manufacturing operations in a facility owned by the city of Moberly, add 612 jobs and invest $46 million into the local economy.

The state of Missouri awarded Mamtek $7.6 million in Missouri Quality Jobs Program tax credits and $6.8 million in Missouri BUILD program tax credits, Gov. Jay Nixon’s office said Friday. The state also provided $2 million in Community Development Block Grant Industrial Infrastructure Program grant funds; $800,000 in funding for job training; and $368,000 for employment recruitment and referral services.

Additional funding is being provided by $37 million in bond sales initiated, structured and committed by the city of Moberly and $8 million from private investors. Moberly also has made grants and services available to Mamtek in excess of another $500,000, according to Nixon’s office.

Mamtek International has both American and Chinese ownership and leadership. The company’s primary product, the Sweet-O brand of sucralose, is a no-calorie, no-carb sweetener used in a wide range of products including carbonated beverages and baked goods.

“At a time when too many American companies are shuttering their plants and moving jobs overseas, we are thrilled to have a global company creating hundreds of good manufacturing jobs right here in Missouri,” Nixon said in a statement Friday. “These jobs will be a significant boost to Missouri’s economy and our manufacturing sector, and they’re another positive sign that our economy is beginning to move forward.”

Paideia Academy, cited by state for low test scores, is suing to stay open.

Against the ropes, charter school pleads its case

By Tony Messenger • POST-DISPATCH

JEFFERSON CITY • A St. Louis charter school under fire for bad performance fought for its life Friday, its future in the hands of a Cole County judge.

The State Board of Education voted last month to reject the application of Paideia Academy, a charter elementary school that had been operating in one form or another since 2001. Citing low test scores and poor management, the state board took action that could lead to the school closing its campuses in north and south St. Louis.

Paideia sued, however, and its attorney argued Friday before Cole County Circuit Judge Jon Beetem that the state had no right to consider test scores as a reason for dismissing its application.

';There is insufficient evidence to deny the application and put 300 students on the street,'; attorney Thomas Carter said.

The battle exposes what some regard as a failing of charter school law. The schools were touted as alternatives to traditional public schools that could be closed swiftly if they fail to perform. But in Missouri and elsewhere, efforts to close failing charters have often been stymied by litigation and red tape.

Carter said that even if Beetem rules against Paideia, the school plans to open this fall and would appeal the ruling to a higher court.

If the school were to reopen without a charter, it would have to do so without state funds. And, it would have to find another building to keep its south St. Louis presence. The school no longer leases the old St. Boniface Catholic School, 7604 Michigan Avenue. Next month, another charter elementary school — Carondelet Leadership Academy — will open in that building.

';There's been a bit of a controversy and a problem because Paideia was insisting they would open, but they will not open at the previous site,'; said Gloria Shelton, regional manager for American Quality Schools, a not-for-profit management company that will oversee Carondelet Leadership Academy.

Since charter schools first opened in Missouri a decade ago, oversight has largely fallen to sponsoring institutions, typically universities. In a few cases, sponsors have closed a failing charter school or refused to remain as sponsor. A few charter schools have closed on their own.

But until last month's vote, the state education department had not played such a direct role in closing a charter.

';One of the purposes of charter schools is to relieve you from regulations,'; said David Liechti, president of the State Board of Education. ';But on the other hand, we have the best interest of the kids at heart, and we want them to achieve.';

Missouri Education Commissioner Chris Nicastro, who has said that more should be required of charter school sponsors and that the state board should have more authority to close a failing school, had recommended that officials deny Paideia's application.

Whether Paideia even has a sponsoring institution was a key issue in Friday's hearing. Lincoln University had sent a letter to the state indicating its intent to take over sponsorship from the Missouri University of Science and Technology, which had pulled its sponsorship. But Lincoln's Board of Curators had never voted on the sponsorship, and it was unclear at the time the Board of Education made its decision whether Paideia truly had a sponsor.

With or without the sponsorship, Paideia's application for a charter was inadequate in several areas, testified Jocelyn Strand, the state's director of charter schools.

Paideia is one of two St. Louis charter schools facing closure this year. Ethel Hedgeman Lyle Academy, which lost its sponsor in April, has been troubled for years with low academic performance, staff turnover and infighting among leaders and students. Owing nearly 100 creditors more than $5 million, Lyle's debt abruptly forced students to finish the year under the domain of St. Louis Public Schools. Now, Lyle's more than 700 students must enroll in different schools this fall.

Paideia, formerly St. Louis Charter Academies, was part of an original plan in 2001 that attracted national attention. Then-state Sen. Peter Kinder and several pastors planned to open four tuition-free schools for 3,000 St. Louis students. A Wall Street Journal editorial called the schools ';the chance of a lifetime'; for St. Louis children.

Charter consultant Richard Hay, who guided Paideia through the application process, testified Friday that while Paideia's test scores are low, they are comparable to other public schools in the city.

';Paideia has never denied that its test scores are low,'; Hay said. ';The students they serve come in with bad scores.';

Nietzel, Higdon advocate new higher education model

Didi Tang • News-Leader • July 10, 2010

Faced with dwindling support from taxpayers but record numbers of students, public universities and colleges will be moving away from their traditional model to survive, two local public college presidents said.

';We have to change the way we work. This is not 1600,'; said Hal Higdon, president of Ozarks Technical Community College, noting the modern higher education model has changed little from its origins rooted in an agrarian culture, when summer was reserved for farm work.

';Our students ... have moved to a year-round model,'; said Higdon, noting significant increases in summer enrollment at OTC.

Higdon and Mike Nietzel, outgoing president of Missouri State University and higher education adviser to Gov. Jay Nixon, shared their outlook for public higher education when they met with local business leaders Friday morning.

A three-year baccalaureate degree or a one-year associate degree have become likely options, said Nietzel, adding summer courses would be necessary to fast-track a degree.

Both Nietzel and Higdon pointed to University of Phoenix, a for-profit private institution that offers courses year-round, as a drastically different model from which traditional institutions may learn how to reform, if not revolutionize, the way they operate.

The two presidents' remarks came after Nietzel outlined the challenges public colleges have experienced and will face in the next two to five years.

In the past 30 years, public funding for higher education has fluctuated but overall has seen a gradual decline, especially on a per-capita or per-student basis, Nietzel said.

The declining trend is unlikely to be reversed, Nietzel said.

';They will never come back,'; Nietzel said of lost tax dollars for higher education.

Both presidents said private giving has become more important to higher education, though donations have limitations.

Gifts are often designated for specific uses, and a college cannot rely on them for general operations, Nietzel said.

The presidents touched on improving the efficiency of the state's education system, particularly in preparing high school seniors for college.

In Missouri, 37.3 percent of college-going high school graduates needed remedial courses before taking college courses, according to a state report.

Higdon said the students need remedial work in English and math.

At the same time, Missouri can offer more advanced courses for its brightest students in their senior year in high school, Nietzel said.

Col. Jackson says don't retaliate for stolen signs -- that's an order

BY JAKE WAGMAN POST-DISPATCH

Jackson, with a sign that apparently wasn't stolen

It wouldn't be campaign season without that most prolific of political misdemeanors -- stealing signs.

State Senate hopeful Jack Jackson is encouraging his supporters to take the high road after at least ten ';large campaign signs'; disappeared from the 26th District, where Jackson is one of several Republicans vying to replace term-limited John Griesheimer.

Jackson, a retired Marine Corps colonel and Boeing test pilot from Wildwood, sent out a note to supporters this week not to react by, say, pilfering signs from a rival.

';The first reaction from some other candidates might be to take an eye for an eye, but I want no part of that,'; Jackson said.

But Jackson wants his supporters to resist the urge -- natural as it might be -- to get even.

';We have no idea who has stolen the signs and were not making any accusations,'; Jackson said, ';but some of my loyal supporters might assume that it’s the work of a rival and want to retaliate, but I'm telling them please don't

Got that? No retaliation, loyal supporters.

Jackson's primary opponents include Franklin County State Rep. Brian Nieves, who has not been named in any sign shenanigans, but has captured attention with his new in-your-face ad.

Friday, July 9, 2010

Cape Girardeau favors Isle of Capri over ex-Argosy execs for casino

St. Louis Business Journal - by Kelsey Volkmann

Cape Girardeau officials appear to be leaning toward Isle of Capri Casinos Inc. over a group of former Argosy Gaming Co. executives after both groups presented proposals Thursday to open a casino in Cape Girardeau.

Officials said they liked how Isle presented more details for its project.

“When you look at the two proposals, you would probably lean more toward something that has more detail,'; Cape Girardeau City Manager Scott Meyer told the Business Journal. ';It doesn’t eliminate anybody. But it’s a natural inclination to desire more information and be more comfortable with something you know more about. The unknown is always kind of scary.”

Watch a video of the meeting here.

“My initial reaction is that I am very enthusiastic with what Isle of Capri proposes,” Cape Girardeau Mayor Harry Rediger told the Southeast Missourian newspaper. “It is a solid plan, and they have been open with us. I am taken aback some at the lack of detail of St. Louis Capital Partners. If we are going to get involved with them, we need to see what the total package is.”

Several council members also expressed disappointment with the lack of detail in the St. Louis Capital Partners’ proposal, according to the Southeast Missourian.

Isle, led by Chairman and Chief Executive James Perry, wants to open a casino and 750-seat event center on 15 acres of undeveloped riverfront property north of downtown along North Main Street owned by Cape Girardeau businessmen Jim Riley and David Knight. Riley is owner and CEO of Red Letter Communications, a marketing and advertising firm. Knight is active in the competitive barbecue circuit, mainly as a judge. He heads David B. Knight and Associates Inc., which owns companies including Ole Hickory Pits, a manufacturer of commercial barbecue smoker ovens, as well as sauces, spices and seasoning.

The project would create 450 jobs, Isle officials said. The casino would attract more than one million people a year, Perry told the city council. ';That's a lot of excitement that comes to the area,'; he said. Perry also said Isle has enough financing available under its existing credit facility to build the casino.

Creve Coeur, Mo.-based Isle (Nasdaq: ISLE), which has about $1.1 billion in annual revenue, owns and operates riverboat, dockside and land-based casinos at 15 locations in Missouri, Mississippi, Louisiana, Colorado, Iowa and Florida.

Joe Uram, a former chief financial officer for Argosy, started Alton-based St. Louis Capital Partners with Argosy founder Tom Long and former Argosy General Counsel Jeff Roberts. The trio opened the first casino in Kansas City, Argosy Riverside, in 1994, as well as casinos in suburban Cincinnati and in Baton Rouge, La.

St. Louis Capital Partners, operating as Cape Casino Co., wants to build a casino on either the Brenda Kay Construction Inc. property on South Sprigg Street or the Standley Batch Systems Inc. property south of Highway 74. But Uram declined to disclose additional details.

';Our firm believes it would be imprudent to share information that would be competitive in nature,'; he said. ';Horse races are not won at the end of the first furlong. Horse races are won at the end of the race ... Cape Casino would like to maximize its chances to win the license. Releasing information in advance of the Sept. 1 reporting deadline we believe would significantly diminish Cape Girardeau's chance to be the host city for a casino.';

Neither company is asking for tax incentives or other subsidies from Cape Girardeau, Meyer said.

If a casino is built in Cape, where voters approved gaming in 1993, the closest competitors would be Harrah’s Metropolis, 68 miles east in Metropolis, Ill., and Isle of Capri’s Lady Luck in Caruthersville, Mo., 85 miles to the south.

Isle and St. Louis Capital Partners are competing with other companies to land Missouri’s 13th and final gaming license, which became available this month when Las Vegas-based Pinnacle Entertainment closed the President Casino in Laclede’s Landing in downtown St. Louis.

Using a statewide competition, the Missouri Gaming Commission will pick this fall which company and city will land a gaming license.

“It’s ultimately going to be the gaming commission’s decision,” Meyer said.

BLOG ZONE

Kraske's Scared Six: Candidates on the brink in 2010

Steve Kraske KC STAR PRIME BUZZ BLOG

As the midterm elections come into sharper relief, several well-known area pols are on tenterhooks, their lifelines to longtime stints in public office in peril.

It’s no surprise that most of the scared six are Democrats, given the economy, President Barack Obama’s poll numbers and the fierce desire to elect new faces.

Let’s run ’em down with this caveat: This is not a prediction that everyone on this list loses. Consider it an endangered species list of folks who need to strap on jetpacks to win.

Robin Carnahan, Democratic candidate for the U.S. Senate in Missouri.

The poster child for the type of candidate who ought to be struggling this year is Republican Rep. Roy Blunt, Carnahan’s likely opponent this fall.

Blunt is a full-fledged member of the Republican insiders club, having served in House GOP leadership for years. A close ally of President George W. Bush, he was a chief architect of the $700 billion bank bailout bill. One mentor was former House majority leader Tom DeLay.

Yet Blunt continues to lead in polls, and Democrats are nervous. They recognize they have a rare opportunity to pick up a seat held by a Republican, in this case Kit Bond.

At the Obama fundraiser for Carnahan on Thursday, Sen. Claire McCaskill of Missouri laid out the challenge: “This is going to be a tough race. One of the things I’m most concerned about is passion and enthusiasm.”

In other words, the Democratic excitement index these days is flatter than western Kansas, a condition Obama is only beginning to address.

Obama aroused some passion on Thursday, but he couldn’t fill the Folly Theater, even with tickets going for as little as $17.

It’s that somber mood that’s holding Carnahan back.

Ike Skelton, Democratic congressional candidate from Missouri’s 4th District.

All year long, I’ve thought that Skelton, a 17-term incumbent and chair of the House Armed Services Committee, would pull through.

But now I’m having second thoughts. Insiders say the polls don’t look good for the 78-year-old in a district that swung for John McCain over Obama, 60 to 38 percent.

Skelton has held this district through force of personality. The timing for Republicans may finally be right.

Annabeth Surbaugh, chair of the Johnson County Commission.

Surbaugh is fighting for her political life against Commissioner Ed Eilert. Johnson Countians tend to love Eilert, the longtime Overland Park mayor. Surbaugh is more of an acquired taste.

She’s been dinged for a lack of leadership, a cause not helped by Eilert’s eyeballing of Surbaugh’s job for four years.

She’s a fighter, though. Insiders call it a coin flip.

Kris Kobach, Republican candidate for Kansas secretary of state.

The longtime champion of tougher immigration laws is seeking a win after losing races for Congress and state Senate.

He may not get it.

Kobach is in a tough primary against Elizabeth Ensley, the Shawnee County election commissioner who has been endorsed by a trio of moderate former secretaries of state: Ron Thornburgh, Bill Graves and Jack Brier.

But conservatives love Kobach. If he survives the primary, Democrats will pounce. They want Kobach to win, sensing that he’s too far to the right. They fear Ensley in the general.

Henry Rizzo, Democrat and chair of the Jackson County Legislature.

Rizzo is a scrapper and a survivor. He may survive again.

But he’s in a tough race against Crystal Williams, and some think Rizzo’s days as an inside power player may be numbered. The last straw for many: the now-aborted candidacy of a second candidate named Crystal Williams in a bid to confuse voters.

Rizzo, by the way, said he had nothing to do with that. We’ll see if voters believe him.

Terry Riley, Democratic candidate for the Jackson County Legislature.

The king of local politics is seeking a seat against veteran Fred Arbanas, a fixture who has been on the Legislature since 1973.

A Kansas City councilman, Riley is also a former Kansas City school board member and state lawmaker, not to mention a formidable political organizer.

That said, winning a rare fourth local public office is looking like a stretch. Arbanas, a former All-Pro Kansas City Chief, may have one more cutback block in him.

Introducing Pop-Up Politics: Roy Blunt's first campaign ad

By Jake Wagman POST-DISPATCH

Related Video

Pop-Up Politics: Roy Blunt ad

Fueled by open U.S. Senate seats in Illinois and Missouri, voters in the region will be inundated with political campaign commercials between now and November.

In an attempt to add some levity to the ad parade -- and some fact-checking -- Political Fix is introducing a new series: Pop-Up Politics.

It's a new spin on an old idea, using ';pop-ups'; to offer observations on the candidate's ads, and the claims they make.

The inaugural edition focuses on one of the first campaign ads of the cycle -- the commercial unveiled this week by Republican Senate hopeful Roy Blunt.

This is our first attempt, so be gentle -- you may have to make use of the pause button in order to catch all of the annotations. Look for more pop-ups in the near future as Blunt's Democratic rival and others make their way onto the small screen.

Posted in Political-fix on Friday, July 9, 2010 9:40 am Updated: 1:35 pm

Nixon: New pension investment board ';outside'; call of special session

By Tony Messenger POST-DISPATCH

JEFFERSON CITY -- Gov. Jay Nixon today clarified his call for the special session in an attempt to resolve differences between the House and Senate over a stalled pension bill.

The bill has been stuck because of concerns in the House over the creation of a super investment board to oversee two of the state's pension funds. The board is being pushed by Sen. Jason Crowell, R-Cape Girardeau, who said it is necessary for the pension merger to work.

House members have balked, suggesting the board is ripe for corruption.

Today, Nixon issued a statement saying that the creation of the investment board is outside the call of the special session. In his numerous statements throughout the special session, including one after the Senate passed a bill including the board, Nixon had said nothing of the sort.

Nixon and legislative leaders had a conference call today after the session made no progress -- and didn't even have any debate -- this week.

';On today's call, I clarified that the issue of transferring the investment responsibilities of the MOSERS board and the MPERS board to a dedicated investment board is beyond the scope of this extraordinary session,'; Nixon said in a statement.

If the House and Senate can resolve their differences on the pension bill -- which has now passed both chambers in different versions -- that could open the way for a deal on the Ford bill.

The Ford bill will offer tax incentives to Ford and other automobile manufacturers of up to $150 million over 10 years. Nixon and lawmakers have said the pension bill is necessary to pay for the Ford bill.

In his statement today, Nixon also refused to budget on adding ';data centers'; to the special session call. Lawmakers in Boone County have argued the incentives might be necessary to lure major companies to Missouri.

Lawmakers return to the Capitol on Tuesday.

Full speed ahead

MISSOURINET BLOG by Bob Priddy on July 9, 2010

The non-progress report on the legislature’s special session we issued at mid-week needs a quick update because it appears progress has been made. To hear legislative leaders talk, you’d think two busy days will polish off all problems and lawmakers can go back to their summer pursuits.

So here’s a progress report at the end of the week.

The House and Senate leaders seem to agree the pension bill and the Ford bill can be passed. Roadblocks either have been removed or can be driven around or over. They’ll come back on Tuesday and could be gone on Wednesday afternoon.

Senator Jason Crowell has dropped his demand that the House approve a new investment board to oversee two state government pension plans. He didn’t do that until Governor Nixon decided after two weeks that the special investment board was not really part of his call for the special session. Either he just started saying it or Crowell just got the message. Later interviews will figure that out. Regardless, Crowell has pulled back on his special board idea and that lets the House relax enough to get the pension bill moving.

With indications that the House will move the pension bill, the Senate now can talk to Senator Chuck Purgason and tell him the means to finance the Ford tax incentive bill has been secured and he can retract his threat to kill the Ford bill because it doesn’t give small businesses the same tax incentives it’s giving Ford. Senate Leader Charlie Shields says the pension reforms could save the state $600 million in the next ten years, far more than the amount of income the state will forego in withholding taxes from Ford. He and others will have to address any demands Purgason might make that the $600 million be used for tax incentives for small business.

Shields and Senate Floor leader Kevin Engler are planning a looooooong night Tuesday night because Purgason isn’t the only Senator who objects to the Ford bill. They and we hope opponents don’t make it an all-nighter. All we ask is that if they do decide to do so they at least be interesting. It’s been a long time since we’ve had an entertaining filibuster—back to the days when Sam Graves talked about his three-legged dog and Danny Staples talked about chicken-eating snakes and hauling Volkswagens to Omaha.

The goal is to get the bills passed by Wednesday afternoon. Governor Nixon told us the other day, “Anything that goes beyond that continues to put at risk, in a far greater way, these jobs.”

Ifill analyzes the political challenges facing minorities

By Jo Mannies, Beacon Political Reporter

Posted 2:02 am Mon., 07.12.10

The controversy is caused by the title, not the topic.

That's how PBS journalist Gwen Ifill sees the continued buzz over her book -- The Breakthrough: Politics and Race in the Age of Obama -- almost two years after it was published.

People often mistakening believe that the book is about and praises Obama, she says, instead of its true topic about the national climate that produced his victory, as well as the progress and problems faced by minority candidates and officeholders, particularly African-Americans.

Ifill asserted that many of her critics, who accused her of promoting Obama's candidacy, have never read the book.

Ifill offered up such observations on Saturday during an hour-long presentation by the St. Louis County Library Foundation, held in the Danforth Chapel on the campus of Mary Institute-Country Day School. The occasion was to mark the recent release of a paperback version of her book.

In her talk, as in the book, Ifill touched on several politicians who had influenced her life -- notably former U.S. Rep. Barbara Jordan, D-Tx., who was that state's first African-American woman to win election to Congress.

Like Obama, Jordan's ticket to national fame was a dynamic speech delivered at the Democratic National Convention. In Jordan's case, that opportunity came in 1976 -- 28 years before Obama's 2004 speech that propelled his presidential aspirations even before he'd been elected to the U.S. Senate.

But Ifill observe that a good speech -- and opportune timing -- aren't always enough. She noted that several of the minority candidates and public-figures cited in her book haven't fared well lately at the polls.

';I have not put a curse on all of their careers,' Ifill said, prompting chuckles. ';But I was beginning to worry.';

Ifill singled out the unsuccessful bid to be governor of Alabama by U.S. Rep. Artur Davis, D-Ala. Despite his early high standing in the polls, Davis faltered in that state's June 1 Democratic primary.

Ifill's analysis: Davis alienated his Democratic base by trying so hard to show that he was independent from Obama and Democratic congressional leaders, in order to win support from voters who wouldn't traditionally back him. Davis, for example, was the only African-American Democrat in the House to vote against the final version of the Democratic-backed health care measure.

Alienating one's base, said Ifill, can have politically fatal consequences. ';(Davis) abandoned them, assuming they'd be there on Election Day,' Ifill said. And the Democratic base opted to abandon him, as well.

She didn't directly tie that malady to Obama, but the point didn't seem to be lost on her audience.

Blunt: Adminisration is soft on spies

THE HILL By Sara Jerome - 07/11/10 02:50 PM ET

Rep. Roy Blunt (R-Mo.) criticized Friday the administration's decision to send Russian spies back to their home country, according to the AP.

';In all likelihood, we did not hold them long enough to find out all the things we could have found out about the 10 years or more they were in the United States working undercover -- what contacts they made, who might still be working in some capacity,'; Blunt said.

He added that the administration sent a message that it is soft on spying.

';We certainly showed there wasn't much of a price to pay to be a Russian spy in the United States for a decade,'; Blunt said.

Blunt is a candidate for Senate. His opponent, Robin Carnahan, suggested that his remarks were inappropriate.

';I think it would be pretty irresponsible of me to second-guess, without information, the decisions our top intelligence agencies made about this,'; Carnahan told the AP.

Analysis: Will Kinder's lawsuit challenging health-care law be stopped before it begins?

By William H. Freivogel, Special to the Beacon

Posted 3:20 pm Fri., 07.09.10

Lt. Gov. Peter Kinder faces a tall legal hurdle before he can persuade a court even to hear his legal challenge to the federal health-care law. He will have trouble showing that he had the legal standing even to get inside the courthouse door, legal experts say.

David Roland, an attorney at the Show-Me Institute and himself a critic of the law, doubts that Kinder will be able to clear this initial legal hurdle on most of the eight legal claims he made this week in a suit filed in federal court in southeast Missouri.

';Before a court will consider and rule on a legal issue, the plaintiff must establish that there is a current case or controversy between themselves and the defendant,'; Roland wrote in an email. (Click here to read more of Roland's view.)

';This usually means that the government must have taken some act that has caused a harm or detriment to the person filing the lawsuit,'; continued Roland. ';It is not usually sufficient simply for a law to be on the books -- courts usually (although not always) require some implementation of the law before they will address its validity. Also, it is important to remember that plaintiffs cannot generally bring claims on behalf of others.';

The requirement that a lawsuit present a case or controversy and that those bringing it be harmed is an important restraint on judicial power. It keeps the courts from exceeding their authority and rendering opinions on hypothetical rather than real situations.

Several legal experts have pointed out that the portion of Kinder's lawsuit that challenges the individual health mandate in the new law is probably not yet ripe for consideration by the courts because it will not take effect until 2014.

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Roland is one of a minority of legal experts who believes that the Supreme Court eventually may decide that Congress exceeded its powers in enacting the individual health-care mandate. A majority view among legal experts is that the mandate is within Congress' power.

Despite his sympathy with Kinder's legal argument about the mandate, Roland agrees that the mandate cannot be challenged until it is implemented.

Roland also noted that a large part of the suit was based upon ';assumptions'; about how the law will be enforced. He added, ';It is not clear that the lawsuit's assumptions are correct';; and even if they are, Kinder and the three citizens who joined in the suit face standing issues. ';While I think the legal arguments in these counts are well-founded, the claims are premature and will continue to be so until the mandate is actually implemented,'; he wrote.

Three other counts of the suit -- counts one, three and four -- assert rights on behalf of the state of Missouri, something a citizen probably cannot do. ';I cannot think of any examples'; of private citizens being allowed to assert the rights of their states, Roland wrote, ';and I do think it unlikely. Thus, I don't think a court is likely to agree to consider Counts One, Three, and Four.';

Ronald Levin, a law professor at Washington University, pointed out in an email that Kinder has a weak argument that his role as an advocate of the elderly gives him standing to sue. ';In most states, only the attorney general can represent the state in litigation,'; he wrote. ';Even governors have difficulty going to court over the attorney general's objection, although they occasionally succeed. But it would be surprising to discover that the Missouri lieutenant governor can do so in his capacity as 'senior citizen advocate.' This is basically an ombudsman role, and the statute does not appear to authorize litigating for anyone in courts.';

In general, Kinder argues that the federal government cannot commandeer state government to implement a federal program. He bases that argument on a Supreme Court opinion throwing out a portion of the Brady gun control act that required state officials to enforce the law. But it is not clear that the federal health care law would similarly commandeer state officials to enforce its provisions.

Count two of the complaint argues that the law interferes with the way Missouri compensates its government officials because it sets a floor of coverage for state employees. This may be one area where Kinder, a state official, has standing to sue.

';The substance of the claim, however, is dubious,'; Roland wrote. ';It seems highly unlikely that the federal government is not permitted to impose certain limitations on how Missouri is permitted to compensate its employees. For example, would the state argue that it is not required to pay minimum wage or to comply with anti-discrimination laws? The principles of state sovereignty expressed in Count Two are, I believe, well made -- but they do not necessarily demand a conclusion that the targeted provision of the federal health care law is unconstitutional.';

The one portion of the complaint that may have some validity, Roland said, is Count Seven which maintains that Missouri citizens on Medicare are not treated equally to those in Florida who are allowed to maintain their Medicare Advantage programs as part of the compromise that led to the law's passage. ';That's a powerful claim, assuming that the law is implemented the way that the lawsuit envisions,'; Roland wrote. ';Those aspects of the statute go into force on Jan. 1, 2011, so it's possible that the court will be willing to address them.';

Levin is not as impressed by this part of the suit. Kinder's suit ';seems to be referring to provisions that were inserted by Sen. Bill Nelson, under which Florida citizens would have been expressly grandfathered into special benefits under the Medicare Advantage program,'; wrote Levin. ';Those provisions in the Senate bill (and similar ones by other senators) were indeed strongly criticized as unfair. But the argument would be stronger if those provisions had not been eliminated in the reconciliation bill. The replacement language is neutral on its face. If it turns out to benefit citizens in some states more than in other states, that situation is commonplace in regulatory legislation and generally held to be constitutional'; as a rational legislative decision.

The final count in the complaint challenges the panels that critics say could deny people needed care -- the panels that were referred to as ';death panels'; in the debate about the bill. Ironically, Kinder relies on the court's abortion decisions -- decisions he opposes -- to make the argument that people have a constitutional right to control their bodies.

Roland pointed out that the panels have not been constituted and that any challenge to them would have to await someone being harmed by a panel's decision.

William H. Freivogel is director of the School of Journalism at Southern Illinois University Carbondale and a professor at the Paul Simon Public Policy Institute. To reach him, contact Beacon issues and politics editor Susan Hegger.

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What Kind of Dealer Are You Dealing With?

You’ll find plenty of people selling used slot machines on the Internet. Many of these are third-party sellers. That means they don’t offer slot machines directly; instead, they just take your order and then buy the slot machine from someone else and have it shipped to you. You’ll often notice that these third party dealers use stock images or pictures that were stolen from direct dealers’ websites.

It’s better to deal with a direct dealer when you can. These dealers will often offer a warranty on the machines they sell. They’ll also be able to help you over the phone if you’re having a problem operating your game. Third party dealers aren’t able to offer you this level of service.

One way to be sure you’re dealing with an actual dealer instead of a third party is to ask them if you’re able to visit their showroom or warehouse. Third party dealers, for obvious reasons, don’t have showrooms or warehouses.

What Kinds of Used Slot Machines CAN I Buy?

Most dealers offer reconditioned machines that have been retired from use in Las Vegas style casinos. Many of these are the same IGT (International Game Technology) manufactured games that you’re used to seeing in the casino, only older and more primitive. Most dealers also provide replacement parts and repair services.

One thing to look for when considering buying a machine from a dealer is whether or not they use real glass or plexiglass. Real glass is superior as plexiglass fades over time. You can expect to pay a little more for a machine with real glass, but it’s worth the extra cost. If you’ve ever seen a faded plexiglass screen on a used slot machine, you’ll know what I mean.

Many of these games can be set up to enjoy on “free play” mode. You don’t have to insert any kind of money in order to play these games. You can even modify these games to pay out tickets.

Examples of some of the popular and well-known games available for sale on the Internet include titles like Cleopatra, Double Diamond, Munsters, Red, White, and Blue, Sizzling Senves, Tabasca, Texas Tea, and Wild Cherry slots. Many other titles are available besides these, but you’ll recognize a lot of these brand names as still being available (albeit in newer models) in casinos today.

How Much Should I Spend?

Used slot machines are collectibles, and they’re priced accordingly. Shipping is usually going to be expensive, too. You can probably expect to pay at least $600 for a good machine and $200 for shipping. Video slots will cost twice that or more, and you’ll sometimes have the option of upgrading to a new LCD monitor when buying a video slot machine. Those are expensive, too–$400 or $500.

Other upgrades you can pay for include stereo sound packages, coin in coin out functionality, and/or backlit reels (on mechanical or electro-mechanical machines). These upgrades generally cost between $100 and $200 each.

Of course, these prices apply to relatively newer slot machines. Older antique slot machines can cost more or less. I’ve seen slot machines from the 1930s and 1940s that were beautifully refurbished for sale for as little as $325. Some of these older machines are barely recognizable as slot machines, but they make beautiful, conversation-worthy collections.